After a brief honeymoon, the neutrality of the Guard became hopelessly compromised, and it degenerated into little more than a strike-breaking force (Sunsieri 1972). This occurred for a number of reasons, including the financial straits of the state and the sympathies of the Guard leadership. The Militia commander, General Chase, a Denver opthamologist, had been involved in suppressing the 1904 Cripple Creek Strike (Jameson 1998). Following the pattern set at Cripple Creek, Chase essentially declared martial law in the strike zone. Highlights of this period of unofficial martial law included the suspension of habeas corpus, mass jailings of strikers in "bullpens," a cavalry charge on a demonstration of miners' wives and children, the torture and beating of prisoners, and the demolition of a striker tent colony at Forbes. Chase also enlisted a considerable number of mineguards as militiamen. | General Chase |
Colorado National Guard |
Ruins at Ludlow |
After the strike ended, mass arrests were made of the miners, 408 in total, with 332 being indicted for murder, including the main strike leader, John Lawson. These trials dragged on until 1920. All were eventually quashed, with most never coming to trial. In contrast, 10 officers and 12 enlisted men were court-martialled for Ludlow, by the Colorado National Guard, and exonerated. Although it ended in the defeat of the union, the Ludlow Massacre focused national attention on the conditions in the Colorado coal camps, and in labor conditions throughout the U.S. (Gitelman 1988; Adams 1966). John D. Rockefeller Jr. was singled out and excoriated in the press and in a spectacular series of public hearings before the Commission on Industrial Relations. In addition to its seminal role in labor history, Rockefeller's campaign to rehabilitate his image led to Ludlow having a special place in US history as the birthplace of professional public relations (Gitelman 1988). |
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